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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">govandpol</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Управление и политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Governance and Politics</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2782-7062</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2782-7070</issn><publisher><publisher-name>MGIMO University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-83-94</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">govandpol-44</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>МЕЖДУНАРОДНАЯ ПОЛИТИКА</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>INTERNATIONAL POLITICS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Индийско-китайские отношения во внешней политике Нарендры Моди</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>India’s Engagement with China under the Leadership of Prime Minister Modi</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Саху</surname><given-names>Суманта Кумар</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Sahu</surname><given-names>Sumanta Kumar</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Суманта Кумар Саху, докторант Индийского совета по исследованиям в области социальных наук (ICSSR), научный сотрудник </p><p>110067, New Mehrauli Road, JNU Ring Rd</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Sumanta Kumar Sahu – ICSSR Doctoral Fellow, Ph.D. Research Scholar, School of International Studies</p><p> New Mehrauli Road, JNU Ring Rd, New Delhi, 110067</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">sumantasahu21@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Гауда</surname><given-names>Амреш Кумар</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Gauda</surname><given-names>Amresh Kumar</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Амреш Кумар Гауда, докторант Индийского совета по исследованиям в области социальных наук (ICSSR), научный сотрудник </p><p>110067, Индия, New Mehrauli Road, JNU Ring Rd.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Amresh Kumar Gauda – ICSSR Doctoral Fellow, Ph.D. Research Scholar, School of International Studies</p><p>New Mehrauli Road, JNU Ring Rd, New Delhi, 110067</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">amreshkumar2000@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Школа международных исследований Университета&#13;
Джавахарлала Неру (JNU)</institution><country>Индия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Jawaharlal Nehru University</institution><country>India</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2023</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>07</day><month>07</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>2</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>83</fpage><lpage>94</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Саху С., Гауда А., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Саху С., Гауда А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Sahu S., Gauda A.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.gp-mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/44">https://www.gp-mgimo.ru/jour/article/view/44</self-uri><abstract><p>В 2020 году Индия и Китай праздновали 70-летие установления дипломатических отношений. Взаимодействие Индии с Китаем в период период премьерства Нарендры Моди носит во многом упреждающий, а не оборонительный характер. Моди явно продемонстрировал готовность отстаивать интересы Индии в регионе в отношениях с Китаем, с самого начала переориентировав внешнюю политику на консолидацию Индии в качестве регионального лидера и глобального игрока. Индия расширила сотрудничество с партнерами в Индо-Тихоокеанском регионе, вместе с тем сохраняя курс на стабильные связи с Китаем. В статье анализируется роль «дипломатии родного города», неформальных связей, а также стратегии «проблемоориентированной дипломатии» Моди. Авторы выделяют ключевые проблемы современных двусторонних отношений, среди которых проблема Масуда Азхара, заявка Индии на присоединении к Группе ядерных поставщиков, территориальный спор в Южном Тибете и пограничные столкновения. Авторы также раскрывают две стратегии правительства Моди – вовлечение и конкуренцию.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>In 2020 India celebrated 70 years of diplomatic relations with China. India’s engagement with China under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is proactive rather than defensive in nature. While Modi has shown himself willing to claim India’s interests within the region with regard to China, his initial term showed a seamless interest in consolidating New Delhi’s regional presence in a way favorable to India. Specifially, India increased its diplomatic engagement with diplomatic partners within the Indo-Pacifi region, proceeding from the premise of reconciliation with a rising China. The bilateral relations between India-China have expanded in the past decade. The article analyzes the effcts of hometown diplomacy, the role of informal ties as well as the strategy of issue-based diplomacy of Modi. It also singles out the key challenges of bilateral ties, to wit: issue of Masood Azhar, India’s application to Nuclear Supplier Group, the 14th Dalai Lama’s separation, South Tibet territorial dispute and Border standoff The authors also reveals two strategies of Modi’s government – engaging and competing.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Бхаратия джаната парти</kwd><kwd>неформальный саммит</kwd><kwd>двусторонние отношения</kwd><kwd>Индия</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>BJP</kwd><kwd>informal summit</kwd><kwd>bilateral relations and closer developmental partnership</kwd><kwd>India</kwd><kwd>China</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Bajpai, Kanti, Jing, Huang &amp; Mahbubani, Kishore. (2015). China–India Relations: Cooperation and Conflct. 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