The article analyzes the system of foreign policy management in Turkey under the presidential form of government established following the constitutional reforms of 2017. The author emphasizes that the transition to a centralized model has led to the formation of a hybrid decision-making structure that combines formal institutions (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Security Council, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and the National Intelligence Organization [MİT]) with informal networks (presidential advisors, business associations, and religious foundations). The aim of the study is to systematize knowledge about the actors and mechanisms shaping Turkey’s foreign policy course. The methodological foundation of the research comprises institutional and systemic-structural analysis, as well as examination of the legal and regulatory framework. The study reveals that the current foreign policy management system exhibits symbiotic features of both Eastern and Western approaches to conducting foreign policy: alongside a centralized «core» of decision-making characteristic of Eastern models, institutional formations typical of Western systems also persist. Ultimately, this combination results in a degree of unpredictability and complicates the forecasting of foreign policy steps taken by the Republic of Turkey.

This article examines the main theoretical approaches to the study of the stability of presidential political systems in contemporary comparative political science. The analysis centers on the problem of democratic survival in the context of institutional, socio-economic, and cultural challenges that have become particularly salient in the aftermath of the third wave of democratization. The author proposes concentrating on three analytical perspectives—institutional, historical, and sociocultural—which together form an integrated research framework for understanding the factors of stability in contemporary political systems with an elected head of the executive branch. Uruguay and Chile are examined as comparative examples of some of the most stable competitive presidential systems in Latin America, where, after the end of authoritarian rule, electoral institutions were restored, party competition was preserved, and stable practices of coalition interaction were established. The article shows that the stability of presidential democracies is determined by the quality of their functioning, the nature of interaction among political actors, and the degree of institutionalization of the rules of political competition. Particular attention is paid to the role of mechanisms that limit power, the coherence of elite strategies, and the capacity of political institutions to integrate social interests.

The second part examines the historical perspective, which explains stability through longterm trajectories of development shaped by key turning points. It emphasizes institutional memory and the reproduction of practices that reduce the likelihood of abrupt deviations from the established order, while also potentially reinforcing inertia and complicating reform. The third part analyzes sociocultural explanations that link stability to levels of development, social inequality, political participation, and value orientations. The conclusion, based on the cases of Uruguay and Chile, shows how the stability of contemporary presidential systems is formed through the interaction of institutions, historical legacies, socioeconomic conditions, and the sociocultural characteristics of political development.

This article analyzes the transformation of the concept of the “Global South” in the foreign policy discourse of the People’s Republic of China from 2013 to 2025. The aim of the study is to identify the mechanisms of formation, institutionalization, and functional evolution of this concept in Chinese diplomatic terminology. Based on a constructivist approach and a discursive analysis of official documents of the PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs, government statements, and Xinhua News Agency materials, two stages are traced: semantic accumulation (2013–2022) and conceptualization followed by institutionalization (since 2023). It is concluded that the “Global South” has transformed from a descriptive development category into a strategic political construct reflecting China’s identity and its role in reforming global governance.

The article is devoted to the analysis of digital neocolonialism and the issues of ensuring state digital sovereignty amid the transformation of the global digital space. In recent years, the concept of digital sovereignty has been gaining prominence in global political and public discourse: issues related to digital sovereignty are raised at both supranational (the EU, the World Economic Forum) and national levels (for example, Canada). The BRICS countries are not lagging behind this trend: at the current stage, each member state is implementing initiatives aimed at strengthening state digital sovereignty, enshrined in national regulatory frameworks. Some scholars associate this trend with the growing «data colonialism» of transnational digital corporations that exploit population data in exchange for services a phenomenon referred to in the literature as digital neocolonialism. The study sets the following objectives: first, to clarify the concept of «digital sovereignty» based on contemporary domestic and international academic approaches; second, to conduct a comparative analysis of the institutional, legal-regulatory, and strategic foundations of BRICS member states’ policies on protecting digital sovereignty; third, to formulate and substantiate a scenario for the development of BRICS cooperation on digital sovereignty protection in the context of international challenges posed by digital neocolonialism. The purpose of this article is to identify the current political course of the BRICS countries in protecting digital sovereignty in response to emerging challenges of digital neocolonialism. To achieve this aim, the study seeks to identify the key features of digital sovereignty and to define digital neocolonialism; to outline common steps taken by BRICS countries in protecting digital sovereignty; to determine national models of digital sovereignty protection (including new members); and to identify constraints on the development of a common BRICS approach to digital sovereignty. The research employs case study methods, document analysis, the comparative method, and scenario method. The findings make it possible to assess the potential and limits of cooperation among BRICS countries in the field of digital policy and to identify possible directions for developing coordinated approaches to the protection of digital sovereignty.

European Union has developed close ties with countries of Central Asia since 2007, when the first major EU’s strategy for Central Asia was adopted. Throughout these years we saw a visible shift in the relationship between Europe and Central Asian countries, mainly due to geopolitical and regional causes. This article is devoted to the analysis of the changes in EU-Central Asia cooperation strategies of 2007, 2019 and 2023 and the analysis of the joint declaration, published after the first EU-CA meeting in 2025. Authors focus on the main goals and aims of EU in the Central Asia and means to achieve them as stated in aforementioned documents, as well as the evolution of EU-Central Asia relations. Through a comprehensive analysis of official strategy papers, diplomatic engagements and joint declaration the article identifies the main modern goals of EU in the region of Central Asia.