The article considers the background and activities of the China-Arab Sates Cooperation Forum for two decades. The authors identify key factors and features of the Sino-Arab relations, main priorities of their cooperation, highlight the stages of the Forum activities. They present description of the main models of partnership between the PRC and the Middle East countries. A special attention is paid to the results, problems and prospects of the Forum. The methodological basis of the study is an interdisciplinary approach. The authors adhere to the paradigm of neorealism, particularly the theory of the balance of power and regional security complexes, the principle that posits that the logic of the international system and balance of force among states determine their foreign policy. The «power transit» theory allows to better understand the role of China that has been transforming into a superpower in world politics. The China-Arab States Cooperation Forum activities, despite the existing problems and risks, bring positive results to the participants. It makes a significant contribution to implementation of ambitious plans for «national revival», economic and political prosperity of both the PRC and the Arab countries. The authors come to the conclusion that in the current political realities the parties understand expediency of further cooperation aimed at strengthening bilateral ties. Since Beijing’s relations with Arab partners go beyond purely economic interests and affect the strategic interests of China, which is actively promoting a large-scale Belt and Road initiative. Their close multisectoral cooperation, updated by pragmatic factors, will largely determine the economic prospects and geopolitical significance of both parties in the formation of a multipolar world.

China’s increased involvement in the Western Balkans is the result of geoeconomic and political logic of its foreign policy. Beijing’s primary goal is to use the region as a gateway and commercial platform for Western Europe, where China’s real interests lie in its rush for markets, technology, and knowledge. China seeks to establish itself in countries outside the EU but with potential to become the part of it (the Western Balkans), thereby becoming part of the EU system. This undermines the EU’s trust in the Western Balkans, which are beginning to be viewed as a «Trojan horse». Serbia is expected to face a political choice in the future: either fully support EU integration or continue close cooperation with China. This could become a turning point for the further development of relations with China, as well as for further European integration and Serbia’s potential EU membership. Currently, Serbia is not obligated to pursue a coordinated policy with Brussels, and the degree of its alignment with EU foreign policy declarations is still low.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of China’s modern peripheral diplomacy in the new era, where the central guiding principle becomes the building of a «community with a shared future»” and the concept of «qin, cheng, hui, rong» («amity, sincerity, mutual benefit, and inclusiveness») for peripheral diplomacy. The methodology of the study is based on a thorough examination of China’s historical and cultural traditions, the analysis of official speeches and documents, as well as specific practices of cooperation within the framework of peripheral diplomacy. Particular attention is paid to the concept of «qin, cheng, hui, rong», which reflects China’s traditional values of trust, harmony, and respect for neighbors. The analysis reveals that China’speripheral diplomacy is based on a deep understanding of the importance of good-neighborliness, striving to strengthen strategic trust, and develop mutually beneficial economic projects, as well as ensuring inclusive cooperation. China emphasizes that the stability and prosperity of the entire region are impossible without harmonious relations with its neighbors, thereby contributing to integration and collective development. In conclusion, it is argued that the concept of a «community with a shared future» has become the foundation of China’s peripheral diplomacy and ensures the sustainable, fair, and peaceful development of its surroundings.

The relevance of the study is explained by the insufficient knowledge of the current state of research on the language of politics in a comparative perspective in synchronous and intercultural aspects. The purpose of the article is to conduct a review and comparative analysis of researches on the language of politics written by domestic and foreign linguists during the last two decades. The research is based on publications in leading academic journals and catalogs of scientific publishing houses. Particular attention is paid to the examination of topics and methods of analyzing the language of politics. Comparison of the current state of domestic and foreign political linguistics has made it possible to identify general patterns in the development of political linguistics. Thus, researchers respect the paradigmatic principles of modern linguistics, have a profound understanding of the research material, the unit of analysis, the nomination of the object of study, the significance of the cognitive approach, and the popular methods of linguistic / interdisciplinary analysis of political discourse. There are overlaps between thematic areas. To nominate the object of research, various concepts are used, the most common of which is currently «political discourse». A comparative analysis of Russian and foreign publications on the language of politics revealed differences in the elaboration of political linguistics. It was found that there are distinctions in the choice of the type of political text and research topic, the main approach to the study of political discourse, key analytical concepts, determination of the thematic boundaries of the research, (co)authorship, mission of scientific activity and the interpretation of the language of politics. In addition, the review of foreign experience in conducting linguistic research helped to discover the reasons for the obstacles in establishing scientific dialogue, the positive experience of Russian and foreign political linguists, and also to outline prospects for the joint study of political discourse.

State social assistance is one of the key areas of a government’s social policy and a major tool for improving the quality of life of socially unprotected groups of the population. A unique instrument of state social aid has got a name of «social contract», which is the only compensatory form of social support that imposes obligations on its recipients as much as on the benefactors. Given the direct correlation between the socio-economic situation in the Russian Federation and the evolution of legislation regulating state social assistance – especially during financial and economic crises – it is important to examine the specific circumstances and reasons that led to the inclusion of social contracts in federal legislation regulating the aforementioned aspect. While the historical development of social contracts has been explored in academic literature, no previous attempts have been made to connect this development with general historical processes in Russia. Therefore, it would be appropriate to analyze primary sources, such as legislative acts, and apply historical analysis for achieving this task. It is also important to note that the obligations of social contract recipients can be fulfilled in various ways, just as the financial obligations of the social aid providers signing such contracts can take different forms. Consequently, there is a need to assess the outcomes of social contracts as a social aid tool by examining the most common methods of performing obligations among low-income recipients engaged in such contracts, as well as the most frequently used forms of financial obligations fulfillment by social aid agencies. The primary research methods for this study will include aggregation of government statistics and analysis of academic literature on the subject.